News from Civsy, based on human monitoring, generative AI tools and retrieval-augumented real time data searchIn late August 2025, Syrian writer and researcher Morris Ayek became the target of an online harassment campaign after publishing an essay in the independent Syrian platform Al Jumhuriya, in which he argued that Syria had entered a “second phase” of civil conflict following the fall of the Assad regime.
In the article, titled “The Syrian Civil War in its Second Phase,” Ayek described the new power constellation as dominated by segments of the Arab Sunni majority, and used the term “Sunni fascism” to capture what he saw as an exclusionary, totalising current inside political Islam, one that threatens religious and ethnic minorities in post‑Assad Syria. The phrase was quickly lifted from its analytical context, circulating widely across social media where it was read by many as a blanket indictment of Sunni Arabs rather than a critique of an ideological current. As shares and comment threads multiplied, so did personal attacks, with Ayek accused of demonising Sunnis and providing intellectual ammunition to Islamophobic and pro‑regime narratives.
Sectarian language, contested concepts
Ayek’s text speaks into a long, painful history of sectarian anxiety in Syria, where the Assad regime long justified itself as a protector of minorities against Sunni extremism, and where parts of the armed opposition embraced Islamist and jihadist projects. His essay builds on earlier debates around concepts such as “political Alawism” and “Islamic fascism,” but narrows the focus to “Sunni fascism” as a way to name the merger of sectarian mobilisation, authoritarian practices and a majoritarian sense of entitlement to rule. Critics argue that this move collapses important distinctions between jihadist, Salafist and broader Sunni identities, and risks reproducing the same kind of essentialising language that has fuelled violence since 2011. A December 2025 analytical study, “From ‘political Alawism’ to ‘Sunni fascism’: The term when it is taken out of context,” warns that such terminology, when detached from nuance, can harden social imaginaries and normalise seeing entire communities through the lens of “fascism.”
Social media as a site of intimidation
The backlash against Ayek unfolded largely on social media, with Facebook emerging as a central arena where his article, and sometimes only its title, were circulated alongside denunciations and insults. In his own Facebook posts, Ayek noted that many of those attacking him appeared not to have read the full text, reacting instead to the phrase “Sunni fascism” as if it were an accusation against all Sunnis. This dynamic, rapid circulation, de‑contextualisation of a charged term, followed by personalised harassment , mirrors patterns seen in other cases where writers and artists addressing sectarianism or majority–minority relations are targeted online. While there have been no public reports of formal legal action against Ayek or Al Jumhuriya in this case, the volume and hostility of the digital intimidation illustrate how social media can be used to police speech and narrow the safe space for critical reflection on post‑war Syria.
Al Jumhuriya’s role in contentious debate
Founded in exile in 2012–2013, Al Jumhuriya has become a key platform for Syrian writers, academics and journalists seeking to discuss identity, state‑building and democracy outside both regime media and hard‑line opposition outlets. The collective has built a reputation for publishing long‑form, often controversial texts on sectarianism, minority rights and the failures of all sides in the conflict, and its contributors have repeatedly faced threats and pressure because of this editorial line.
International reporting on Syrian independent media notes that Al Jumhuriya’s team has continued to operate despite censorship, financial constraints and security risks, providing a rare space where Syrian authors can test difficult language, revisit painful concepts and challenge dominant narratives. In that landscape, the campaign against Ayek underlines both the importance, and the fragility, of spaces where writers can still experiment with concepts, even clumsy or divisive ones, without being silenced by digital mobs.
References
In August 2025, Syrian writer and researcher Morris Ayek published an essay in the exile platform Al Jumhuriya arguing that Syria has entered a “second phase” of civil war, shaped by new majoritarian power structures and deepening minority insecurity. The article’s use of the term “Sunni fascism” was quickly torn from context and recirculated on social media, where Ayek faced waves of hostile comments and character attacks rather than substantive engagement with his analysis.
This case shows how digital intimidation is increasingly used to police writers who engage with sectarianism, identity and post‑war governance, even outside formal state censorship. For independent Syrian media operating in exile, maintaining space for such uncomfortable conversations is essential to any future grounded in equal citizenship and rights.
#ArtisticFreedom #Syria #AlJumhuriya #DigitalHarassment #Censorship #HumanRights #MinorityRights #MediaFreedom #MimetaMemos
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“From ‘political Alawism’ to ‘Sunni fascism’: The term when it is taken out of context.” sfuturem.org, 9 Dec. 2025.[sfuturem]
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