The liberal democrats may not have
gained popular support for their values, but they have certainly contributed to
rising skepticism against the system and criticism of the president among the
Egyptian people. Now they are
realizing that they are in opposition, and must work systematically and long
term on the streets in order to win people's trust.
So far the liberal movement has been in
front towards two main camps, the remains of Mubarak's regime and the
Brotherhood’s dark shades of future. They have established
alliances and proposed major reforms of policy areas and public management, but
without results in any other way than by the endless demonstrations we know.
Second round of presidential elections
were boycotted by these activists, who for many is held up as the core revolution
squad. The battle for power was lost. The remaining choice
was between plague and cholera, relics or dark men.
Under the referendum just before Christmas,
however, many returned to the polling stations. It was held in two
rounds, with no observers, obvious fraud and queues that made even the most
diehard democrat to turn back. They saw the election as a comedy, but still
voted. The alternative was resignation, carried forward by a definitive
mistrust of Mohamed Morsis ambition to appear as president for a whole nation.
Now they see that their revolution is
given away to an ideological dark side, with financial support from Saudi
Arabia. This is another western ally, which differs radically from the former authoritarian regime, also supported by the west. The former one was
about the powers of economy and violence. This new one plays the game of
It is somehow paradoxical that the
movements´ conception of a just
society still is derived from
the ideas a western world is advocating. The paradox is reinforced by the fact that the western
presence is reduced to the invisible, while the regional powers have moved in.
The explanation may be that the liberal democracy
movement is barricaded by nations where politics and God are intertwined, like
Iran and Saudi, and secular states balancing the religious pressures, like
Turkey and Israel. Such a situation however makes them more in need for allies
outside their regional context and the more disappointed when support is
This disappointment escalates to anger by the
international communities’ handling of the ongoing violence in
Syria. The movement is well connected in the region, and they are actively
organizing support in a span from communication to relief. The expressions from
the media activists in the small northern Syrian village Kafanbel are shared
opinions within the movement.
West has become the beast without any other moral than
securing its own tail. It contributes to this conception when western authorities
states that by now the situation is too
bewildering to interfere, but by the time of history the western model will
gain position. It is legitimate by the liberal movement to ask for how long
the western public will tolerate such inactive arguments from their
There is an ideological battle going on.
– If we are to succeed, we have to be present with the
means this battle actually requires. We must now, as our adversaries, provide
medical aid, social programs, and art and education schemes. This is just as
important as the creation of more sustainable opposition alliances in the
capital's political life; it is said from liberals in Cairo.
The liberal democracy and the secular state is a desire, a program for their
political movement. We leave their hopes once more by pushing the strangest
political alliances ahead of us. We abandon a generation of freedom-seeking
people if we do not support them in their work for the society they will
create, and the battle now stands from
Cairo's alleys to the Syrian refugee camps.