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In mid‑2024, authorities in Kazakhstan applied administrative and criminal law provisions against artists, comedians and satirists in several documented cases, signalling tighter restrictions on cultural expression. This takes place alongside broader crackdowns on independent journalism and the adoption of “LGBTI propaganda” provisions that embed censorship tools into cinema, culture and online platforms. Together, articles on “petty hooliganism,” “incitement of hatred,” and “propaganda of non‑traditional sexual orientation” form a legal toolkit that sharply narrows space for critical, experimental and queer‑affirming art.

Arrests Over Rap, Stand‑Up and Dance
On 23 July 2024, Almaty activist and performer Maria Kochneva was sentenced to 10 days’ administrative arrest under Article 434 of the Administrative Code (“petty hooliganism”) after performing the anti‑war rap “Yo, Orystar” at a street battle linked to a film premiere. Article 434 punishes “petty hooliganism” such as obscene language or “harassment in public places” with fines or up to 10 days’ detention, but in practice is being stretched to cover political speech in artistic form. Kochneva later described the case as a “demonstrative flogging to show Russian citizens that [Kazakhstani] law works,” stressing that if she was punished, “everyone who participated” in the battle should have been too.

Stand‑up comedian Nurashkhan Baskozhaev received 15 days’ arrest after a routine reportedly criticising officials’ response to floods, while Astana‑based comedian Alexander Merkul was sentenced to 10 days on similar charges. Both formally under Article 434 but substantively for political commentary. These short terms, imposed for performances, act as low‑cost but highly visible punishments that warn others their material will be judged not by artistic merit but by political loyalty.

Choreographer Sultanbekuly Alisher was subject to a pre‑trial investigation under Article 174 of Kazakhstan’s Criminal Code in connection with a widely shared video showing him dancing in a yurt, after some officials and commentators criticized the video as disrespectful to cultural or national values. Article 174 allows for prison sentences of up to 7 years, and in aggravated forms up to 20 years, turning aesthetic experimentation into a potential gateway to long‑term criminal liability.

Legalising Censorship in Cinema and LGBTI Art
These individual prosecutions coincide with the adoption of new “LGBTI propaganda” provisions that explicitly pull cultural production into an administrative offence framework. Amendments adopted in late 2025 make “propaganda of non‑traditional sexual orientation” an administrative offence under Article 456(2) of the Administrative Code, with fines and up to 10 days’ detention and the possibility to block access to content or websites. The amendments are inserted across laws on media, online platforms, culture, advertising and education, meaning films, performances, exhibitions and digital art with LGBTI themes may be treated similarly to pornography or extremism and removed without robust judicial oversight.

Filmmakers interviewed by Vlast.kz describe this as “censorship on top of self‑censorship.” Projects already get blocked by funding bodies and distributors as “not suitable for the country’s image,” and the new Article 456(2) regime formalises these unwritten red lines into explicit bans on queer‑inclusive narratives and rights‑based representation.

How Artists Frame a Pattern, Not Isolated Cases
Local comedians and creatives increasingly insist that each sanction is part of a bigger pattern. After Baskozhaev’s arrest, comedian Zarina Baibolova wrote: “Today, it’s Nurashkhan. Tomorrow, it’ll be me or any other comedian. Today, it’s 15 days. Tomorrow, it’ll be 15 years, because of a joke.” Her reference to the 15‑day Article 434 arrests as a stepping stone toward long Criminal Code terms under provisions like Article 174 crystallises a widely shared fear: administrative law is being used to test and normalise the repression of expression before more severe tools are deployed.

Kochneva’s description of her own punishment as “demonstrative flogging” places her case in a geopolitical and domestic context at once, both a warning to Russian audiences consuming her anti‑war art, and a signal to Kazakhstani activists that visible dissent will be met with Article 434 sanctions. Satirical Instagram creator Temirlan Ensebek (Qaznews24) was arrested on 17 January 2025 and charged under Article 174 for “inciting interethnic discord” over a satirical post that included a controversial song. International human rights groups have condemned the prosecution as politically motivated, underscoring how prosecutors are stretching existing tools to curb satire and dissent.

Social Media as Protest Narrative and Alarm System
Social media has become an important platform where artists document cases and frame them as part of a broader pattern. Comedians, rappers and choreographers post court documents citing Article 434, investigation notices under Article 174, and commentary on the new Article 456(2) “propaganda” offence, then explicitly tie them together as evidence of a coordinated campaign against “uncensored activity in the arts.” They emphasise recurring patterns, the use of “petty hooliganism” for politically charged performances, moral panic around “insulting national values,” and the branding of queer representation as “propaganda”—to show peers that any joke, verse or dance can trigger legal consequences.

This collective storytelling turns fear into a shared early‑warning system. Short Article 434 arrests, looming Article 174 charges and the new Article 456(2) fines and content blocks are presented not as technical legalities but as rungs on the same ladder of repression. For Kazakhstan’s artistic community, the message is clear: the law itself has become a medium of censorship, and documenting its use has become an essential form of protest.

Kazakhstan is tightening legal pressure on its artistic community, and artists are pushing back with documentation and solidarity.

In recent months, authorities have used:

Article 434 on “petty hooliganism” against rappers and stand‑up comedians
Article 174 on “inciting hatred” against a choreographer and a satirical blogger
New “LGBTI propaganda” provisions to extend censorship into cinema and culture

Local comedians, filmmakers and digital creators are treating each arrest and investigation not as an isolated scandal, but as part of a clear pattern. On social media they share court documents, legal articles and personal testimony, building an informal early‑warning system for peers and a record for international observers.

For the artistic sector, the message is stark: any joke, verse or dance can trigger legal consequences, and that is precisely why documentation, mutual support and international attention are now central to artistic freedom work in Kazakhstan.

#ArtisticFreedom #FreedomOfExpression #Kazakhstan #HumanRights #LGBTI #Censorship #Satire #CulturalRights #MimetaMemos

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